Sergio Arturo Ramí­rez

How does RPRC Abogados compare to other law firms in Mexico?

Together with my partner, Olivia Rubio, who represents women, members of the LGBTQ community, and other social groups, I decided to refocus the business and secure a small number of high-paying clients. This has enabled us to take on a number of pro bono cases for victims of domestic violence. However, we do not offer our clients corrupt solutions to their cases, something that is unfortunately extremely common in other Mexican law firms. Instead, we use our legal knowledge to implement effective resolution strategies that provide them with a series of options. We currently have more than 50 pro bono matters on file, with caseloads increasing by between 20 and 30 YoY. We have chosen to put aside economics, since we are able to stay afloat by taking on three to four high-paying clients per year. By way of comparison, our competitors take on a few hundred of such cases in a 12-month period. That said, we take on matters that are guaranteed to pay well. We make use of the platform and structure of our law firm to assist in these types of cases. In contrast, other firms seek out platforms through which to share their cases with the media. There are some cases in which lawyers do not have to expose themselves as much, and others in which they should because the media pressure provides a certain leverage.

Can you tell us about your Truce for Mexico program?

The Truce for Mexico project has enabled us to appeal for calm, and we are working with the government to create a model that will enable this to be implemented without having to go to extremes. We will bring about a truce in Mexico, but not one that can be misinterpreted. We are working with the public sector to implement it, and there has to be legislative paperwork involved. Senator Ricardo Monreal led the first civil transitional justice process. If things were not being implemented in this way, we would be 30% worse off today than we are. There have been attacks that have not been made public. We were told there was a car bomb in a refinery that the president was scheduled to visit, but there were no plans to detonate it. When the federal police was disbanded, 9,000 trained officers in bomb disposal, intelligence, and other areas found themselves out of work. Many of them have been taken in by these criminal groups. What is more, while the government has a set budget for national security that it cannot exceed, these groups do not. We are at the point in which anything can happen.

What kinds of tools are you using to communicate the benefits of the Truce for Mexico initiative?

The problem lies in the fact that we are not the ones who should be communicating these benefits. I can repeat them a million times, but the government fails to show its support for these programs. There continue to be issues with poor communication and misinformation. There should be a media campaign that explains to businessmen and other parties that it is not a question of economics. It is necessary to secure the future of the country. Since the outbreak of COVID-19, the consequences of poverty and violence have been greatly magnified.

Many companies are concerned about safety and security. Do you work with companies to develop strategies?

Yes. For example, we work with the Confederation of Industrial Chambers in Mexico (CONCAMIN). There, we have implemented developments and held talks, among other activities. We have also made between 35 and 40 explanatory videos. We share them and disseminate this information so that businessmen understand that the President is not allied with the cartels. Instead, the president is simply talking a path that he hopes will lead to peace.